“Wike’s impunity, defying courts while dooming gardens, isn’t anomaly; it’s accelerant. Heed the floods, the fevers, the fury: restore the greens, or watch Africa’s beacon flicker to ash. The Master Plan endures not as relic, but rebuke”.
BY EMMAN USMAN SHEHU
Abuja was born not only as a monument to power or a hive of bureaucratic ambition, but as a bold experiment in harmonious urban living. Conceived in the mid-1970s amid the ashes of Nigeria’s civil war and the clamour for a neutral capital, the city was envisioned by International Planning Associates—a consortium of American visionaries—as Africa’s answer to Brasília or Canberra: a meticulously orchestrated symphony of concrete and canopy, where gleaming government halls would nestle amid vast green expanses.
The Abuja Master Plan of 1979, a 5,000-page opus of foresight, decreed that 40 percent of the Federal Capital Territory’s 8,000 square kilometers be reserved for parks, forests, and green belts. These were no mere aesthetic flourishes; they were the city’s vital organs—ecological lungs, flood barriers, and psychic balm for a nation healing from division.
Yet, four decades on, that verdant promise lies in tatters, ravaged not by drought or pestilence, but by the calculated avarice of those entrusted with its guardianship. Enter Nyesom Wike, the pugilistic Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), whose tenure has morphed from a crusade against chaos into a carnival of selective impunity and mindless greed. Under his watch, the green soul of Abuja is being auctioned off—not for the public good, but for the profit of the powerful—while legitimate stewards of the land, operating within the law, face the bulldozer’s blade in brazen defiance of judicial decree.
This is not urban renewal; it is civic vandalism, a betrayal that risks condemning Nigeria’s capital to the fate of Lagos’s fetid sprawl or Kinshasa’s choked alleys. The irony is as thick as the dust clouds that now choke Abuja’s once-breathable air. Wike stormed into office in August 2023 vowing to “step on toes” and reclaim the Master Plan from the encroachments of past regimes.
“If you build on a green area, sorry, it will go down,” he thundered, casting himself as the avenging sheriff in a city overrun by land grabbers, speculators, and slum lords. Demolitions followed: shanties in Ruga, illegal mansions in Maitama, rogue eateries masquerading as parks. For a fleeting moment, residents glimpsed the Abuja of the planners’ dreams—a disciplined metropolis where the law bent for no one, not even senators or tycoons. But peel back the headlines, and a darker pattern emerges. Wike’s zeal, it turns out, is deliberately impartial; it spares the cronies while pulverising the compliant. Allocations of pristine green belts continue apace, often to politically wired developers, even as court orders shielding lawful gardens are treated as mere suggestions. This hypocrisy isn’t accidental; it’s the engine of a patronage machine that fattens elites at the expense of ecology and equity.
As of October 2025, with floods lapping at high-rises and temperatures spiking toward unlivable extremes, Abuja’s betrayal feels less like policy failure than premeditated sabotage. To grasp the profundity of this perfidy, one must first confront the sanctity of the Master Plan. Drafted in the shadow of Nigeria’s oil boom, when optimism briefly outshone corruption, the document was a radical departure for a continent scarred by colonial urban blunders. Abuja’s founders, led by architect Kenzo Tange’s influence and IPA’s rigorous hydrology studies, rejected the high-density horrors of older African capitals. Instead, they plotted a “city in a park,” with radial districts orbiting a central core, separated by emerald corridors that served quadruple duty: as carbon sinks, stormwater sponges, floodplains, and communal oases.
Consider the ecological imperatives. Perched in the Guinea Savanna, Abuja contends with erratic monsoons—up to 1,500 millimeters annually—and diurnal swings that can top 40 degrees Celsius. The green belts, totaling over 1,000 square kilometers, were engineered as nature’s HVAC: through transpiration, a single mature acacia tree cools its surroundings by 5-10 degrees, slashing the Urban Heat Island effect that turns cities into ovens.
They double as hydrological heroes, channeling the Gurara and Usuma rivers while absorbing 70 percent of rainfall, per FCDA estimates, preventing the kind of deluges that drowned Borno in 2022. Structurally, these zones enforced zoning rigor: no commercial eyesore abutting a quiet suburb, no high-rise eclipsing low-density havens. Aesthetically, they promised a “garden city” ethos, with tree-lined boulevards evoking Paris’s Champs-Élysées or Washington’s National Mall—spaces for the soul, where civil servants could jog off the stress of policy wrangles.
Public health was woven into this fabric too. The World Health Organization endorses 9 square meters of green space per resident for mental well-being; Abuja’s plan targeted double that, foreseeing a populace insulated from urban neuroses. Legally, these designations aren’t whims—they’re enshrined in the Federal Capital Territory Act of 1976 and the Land Use Act of 1978, rendering any diversion a breach of national charter. Violations aren’t tweaks; they’re treason against the social compact that lured ministries from Lagos in 1991, promising a capital worthy of Africa’s giant.
Yet, under Wike, this mandate has become a punchline. Despite his bombast, reports from the Nigerian Institute of Town Planners in February 2025 decried “ongoing conversions” of green plots to mixed-use estates, often rubber-stamped by FCT officials under ministerial nod.
In Wuse Zone 6, a once-vibrant garden at the Tunis-Bissau junction—approved for recreation—now sprouts club foundations, its utility corridors exposed to rupture. In Guzape and Maitama, pristine buffers vanish into luxury villas for the connected, while AMMC squads issue ultimatums to small-scale violators. Wike’s impunity peaks in cases like Sodic Parks and Gardens Ltd., a Life Camp haven operational since 2010 with full FCDA permits. Facing demolition threats from “corrupt elements” cloaked in officialdom, the outfit secured a High Court injunction in September 2025 barring interference pending resolution. Yet, as of this writing, bulldozers circle, emboldened by ministerial silence—a flagrant thumbing of the nose at judicial authority. If the enforcer of the law scoffs at courts, what hope for the rule-bound?
The toll of this green genocide is no abstraction; it’s etched in Abuja’s daily agonies. Environmentally, the city teeters on collapse. Impermeable concrete has usurped permeable soil, crippling hydrology: where green belts once sequestered 80 percent of runoff, paved precincts now funnel it into torrents. The 2024 rainy season saw flash floods claim 15 lives in Nyanya and Garki, submerging markets and bursting sewers that spewed cholera into the streets. Utility corridors—camouflaged as “undevelopable” greens—lie excavated, pipelines exposed like veins in an autopsy. Wike’s demolitions, while targeting shanties, overlook these systemic sins: a 2025 BusinessDay probe revealed over 200 green conversions since 2023, many in flood-prone valleys, priming the city for biblical inundations.
Thermally, Abuja is a tinderbox. Satellite data from NASA’s Earth Observatory charts a 3-degree Celsius UHI spike since 2015, correlating with a 25 percent green loss. Air conditioners hum incessantly, bloating Nigeria’s grid and household bills by 15 percent, per NEPA figures. Outdoor life—picnics in Millennium Park, strolls along the Usuma—fades into memory, supplanted by heatstroke wards overflowing at the National Hospital. Respiratory ills surge: particulate matter, unfiltered by absent foliage, now averages 65 micrograms per cubic meter, triple WHO limits, fueling a 20 percent asthma uptick in children.
Infrastructurally, the strain is Sisyphean. Short-term land sales—Wike’s touted “revenue boost”—yield peanuts against remediation bills. A single flood cleanup in Jabi cost N2.3 billion in 2024, dwarfing the N500 million from a Maitama green plot auction. Roads crack under overloaded drainage, power lines sag in deforested corridors, and traffic crawls as buffers dissolve into bottlenecks. Economically, it’s a boomerang: foreign investors, eyeing Abuja’s “planned allure,” balk at its creeping Lagosification. FDI inflows dipped 12 percent in 2025, per CBN data, as tales of revoked titles and erratic enforcement spook capital. Property values in once-premium zones like Asokoro erode by 8 percent annually, victims of amenity theft.
But the gravest casualty is governance itself. Wike’s selective sword—sparing River Park Estate’s irregularities while inaugurating probes that drag—erodes trust. When a minister preaches Master Plan piety yet green-lights crony estates, it cascades: petty grabbers in Utako cite precedent, while the poor are herded to peripheries like Durumi. Corruption festers; a 2025 ICPC audit flagged 150 suspicious allocations under Wike, netting N15 billion in untraced rents.
Social fissures widen: indigenous Gbagyi farmers, displaced for “development,” clash with enforcers, their ancestral greens now elite playgrounds. And the courts? Mocked. Sodic’s injunction, like others barring Wike from disputed Guzape plots, gathers dust as agencies “proceed with caution”—code for defiance.
No figure embodies this rot more vividly than Nyesom Wike himself. The erstwhile Rivers warlord, with his trademark vintage whiskey-corroded voce and bantamweight bravado, arrived in Abuja as a disruptor, pledging a “new sheriff” to tame the wild FCT. Revocations flew: 165 high-profile plots in 2023, snaring Peter Obi, BUA’s Abdul Samad Rabiu, even Julius Berger’s dormant judicial enclave. Ground rents were hiked, C-of-Os streamlined—reforms that, on paper, screamed accountability. Yet, scrutiny reveals a man unbound by his own edicts. While vowing “no sacred cows,” Wike has fattened his: in August 2025, he inaugurated committees to probe Land Use Act breaches, only for insiders to leak that River Park—a pet project of FCT insiders—escaped unscathed amid “irregularities.”
Worse, his disdain for courts borders on despotic. Sodic Parks, a model of Master Plan fidelity—its 5-hectare expanse a riot of bougainvillea and benches, hosting 10,000 visitors monthly without a whiff of illegality—sought judicial shield against marauding officials in 2025. The Abuja High Court obliged, issuing a stay that explicitly forbade “disruptive actions” pending adjudication. Wike’s response? Crickets, followed by veiled threats from Development Control thugs, who cite “national interest” to skirt the bench. This echoes broader patterns: in December 2024, a similar injunction halted sales on a Guzape green sliver, yet FCTA surveyors were spotted fencing it off weeks later. Protests in Wuse Zone 6, decrying garden-to-club flips, met riot police, not redress. Wike’s playbook is clear: demolish the defenseless, indulge the donors. A Daily Trust exposé in April 2025 tallied 300 green encroachments post-Wike, many in districts he tours with fanfare.
His impunity isn’t ignorance; it’s arrogance, the mark of a politician who views the FCT as personal fiefdom, not public trust. This selective enforcement fuels a vicious cycle. Legitimate operators like Sodic, investing N500 million in eco-tourism, shutter under threat, ceding space to illicit developers who bribe their way to permanence. The Nigerian Bar Association has petitioned the National Judicial Council over five such “Wike contempts” since 2024, warning of constitutional crisis. Yet, President Tinubu—Wike’s unlikely patron—utters nary a peep, perhaps wary of alienating the APC’s Abuja enforcer. The result? A capital where justice is for sale, greens are for the grab, and the Master Plan weeps in irrelevance.
Abuja’s salvation demands more than moratoriums; it cries for metamorphosis. First, an ironclad audit: empower an independent panel—ICPC-led, with civil society watchdogs—to map every green deviation since 1999, spotlighting Wike-era anomalies. Revoke all post-2023 allocations lacking ecological impact assessments, compensating only the blameless. Second, judicial fortification: enact FCT-specific contempt statutes with ministerial teeth pulled—let bulldozers halt at gavel’s fall. Sodic and kin must thrive, not tremble; their model—public-private greens pocked with solar-lit paths and community farms—could regenerate 500 hectares by 2030.Institutional bulwarks follow: insulate the FCDA from political puppeteering via fixed tenures and whistleblower shields. Divert “revenue” from green sales to a Green Restoration Fund, seeding urban forests with indigenous shea and baobab. Public buy-in is paramount: launch “Adopt-a-Park” drives, arming neighborhoods with legal cudgels against encroachers. And Wike? He must recuse from land decisions, his conflicts as glaring as his ego. If unyielding, Tinubu should summon him home to Rivers, lest Abuja become his tombstone.
Abuja was forged as prophecy: a city where nature and nationhood entwined, defying Africa’s urban entropy. Today, that vision gasps beneath concrete’s weight, its betrayal a mirror to Nigeria’s deeper maladies—power’s predation, law’s fragility, equity’s erosion. Wike’s impunity, defying courts while dooming gardens, isn’t anomaly; it’s accelerant. Heed the floods, the fevers, the fury: restore the greens, or watch Africa’s beacon flicker to ash. The Master Plan endures not as relic, but rebuke. Will the custodians listen? Or shall they, too, go down—with the city they sold?
Source: Forefrontng
